The Feminine Matrix of Sex and Gender in Classical Athens
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In The Feminine Matrix of Sex and Gender in Classical Athens, Kate Gilhuly explores the relationship between the prostitute, the wife, and the ritual performer in Athenian literature. She suggests that these three roles formed a symbolic continuum that served as an alternative to a binary conception of gender in classical Athens and provided a framework for assessing both masculine and feminine civic behavior. Grounded in close readings of four texts, "Against Neaira," Plato's Symposium, Xenophon's Symposium, and Aristophanes' Lysistrata, this book draws upon observations from gender studies and the history of sexuality in ancient Greece to illuminate the relevance of these representations of women to civic behavior, pederasty, philosophy, and politics. In these original readings, Gilhuly casts a new light on the complexity of the classical Athenian sex/gender system, demonstrating how various and even opposing strategies worked together to articulate different facets of the Athenian subject.
discretely suggests that the marketplace, political participation, and religious office were conceived of as distinct realms in which the rights of citizens operated. If we understand atimia as an economic, civic, and religious disability, then we will see that, in one way, the case that Apollodoros makes against Neaira is a perfectly calibrated response. For Apollodoros depicts Stephanos exchanging women in ways that defy the codes that govern transactions in each one of these areas. In this
mind that these flaws, while obvious in the study, will not necessarily have been evident to the jurors as they listened to the narrative.47 I suggest that it is not only the inattentiveness of the jurors, but also the thematic integration of this narrative with the rest of the speech, that would render it comprehensible and plausible to its audience. For the Theogenes affair is consistent with the portrayal of Stephanos and his oikos as valuing personal gain at a premium, at the expense of the
f©landro© te kaª moiceÅtriai k toÅtou toÓ gnouv gign»ntai. Âsai d tän gunaikän gunaik¼v tm m e«sin, oÉ pnu aÕtai to±v ndrsi t¼n noÓn proscousin, ll m llon pr¼v tv guna±kav tetrammnai e«s©, kaª a¬ tair©striai k toÅtou toÓ gnouv g©gnontai. Âsoi 52 Ludwig (2002: 23). 53 Xenophanes says that talk that describes threats to the Olympian order is inappropriate to the symposium: “There is no good in speaking of the battles of the Titans or the Giants, nor any fights of the Centaurs, the
cannot bear scrutiny and have generated much critical discussion and attempts at explanation. She begins by reminding the Spartan ambassador of the time when Perikliedas was sent to ask for Athenian aid in 464, when Sparta was staring down 79 Thuc. 1.23–68. 80 Dover (1972: 170); Henderson (1987: xxv). The Surrogate 165 a revolt of the helots in the aftermath of an earthquake. Kimon persuaded the Athenians to send aid and then led a disastrous expedition that resulted in his ostracism.
wronged. When he had sworn the suitors he buried the horse here. (Pausanias 3.20.9 trans. Jones and Ormerod) Perhaps an allusion to this sacrifice was intended when Kalonike offered her suggestion for how the women of Greece could seal their oath: Ka. e« leuk»n poqen ¯ppon laboÓsai t»mion ntemo©meqa; Lu. po± leuk»n ¯ppon; Kalonike: What if we got a white stallion from somewhere and cut off a slice of him? Lysistrata: Where can we get a white horse? (191–193) The reference seemed obscure in